Removing misconceptions crucial to patriotic education
Lau Siu-kai says a better understanding of nation will help HK residents realize a shared future with the PRC
On June 26, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress deliberated for the first time the draft Patriotic Education Law of the People's Republic of China (the draft). The draft stipulates that the central government should promote patriotic education in the new era in a manner governed by the rule of law. Article 2 of the draft lists the main objectives of patriotic education: "The State shall carry out patriotic education among the entire people, cultivate and enhance feelings for the Chinese nation and the great motherland, inherit the national spirit, strengthen the concept of the State, strengthen and unite all patriotic camp, and make patriotism a firm faith, spiritual strength and conscious action of the entire people." Of particular importance is the provision of Article 3: "Adhere to the unity of patriotism, love of the Party and love of socialism; focus on safeguarding national unity and national unity; and take the comprehensive building of a modern and powerful socialist country and the realization of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation as a distinct theme."
Given the "one country, two systems" policy in Hong Kong and its actual situation and conditions that are very different from those on the Chinese mainland, the central government will adopt policies and measures compatible with Hong Kong's unique environment to promote patriotic education. Article 22 stipulates: "The State shall adopt measures to carry out education in history and culture and education on national conditions to enhance the identification of the compatriots of the Hong Kong and Macao Special Administrative Regions with the country and the excellent traditional Chinese culture, and consciously safeguard national unity and ethnic unity."
As early as October 2019, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) decided to "strengthen education on the Constitution and the Basic Law, national conditions, Chinese history, and Chinese culture for Hong Kong and Macao society, especially public officials and young people, and enhance the national awareness and patriotic spirit of Hong Kong and Macao compatriots; and resolutely guard against and curb interference by external forces in Hong Kong and Macao affairs and their instigation of separatism, subversion, infiltration, and sabotage activities to ensure Hong Kong and Macao's long-term peace and stability." On Oct 16, 2022, in his report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping proposed to "develop and strengthen the forces of patriotism in Hong Kong and Macao, enhance the patriotic spirit of Hong Kong and Macao compatriots, and form a broader united front at home and abroad in support of 'one country, two systems', resolutely crack down on the anti-China subversive forces in Hong Kong and Macao, and firmly prevent and curb interference by external forces in Hong Kong and Macao affairs". On July 24, President Xi Jinping, in a letter to Pui Kiu Middle School students, wrote: "Patriotism is the core of the spirit of the Chinese nation, and most Hong Kong compatriots have a glorious tradition of loving the country and Hong Kong. This is the important foundation for the stable and long-term practice of 'one country, two systems'."
There is no doubt that patriotic education is critical to the successful practice of "one country, two systems", safeguarding national security, the realization of "patriots governing Hong Kong", the long-term peace and stability of the city, and the promotion of Hong Kong's integration into the overall development of the country.
For a long time, "patriotism" and "patriotic education" were not common words in Hong Kong. In the eyes of some Hong Kong residents, especially the opposition forces, the "country" they referred to was not the People's Republic of China (PRC).
Since the PRC was founded by the CPC, "patriotism" naturally means "love of the Party". However, for historical reasons, there had long been revulsion against the CPC and the PRC in specific segments of Hong Kong society. Under the persistent instigation and slander of the opposition forces, "patriotic education" became a politically sensitive term and was rarely mentioned. Even "national education" was struggling because it had also been stigmatized.
The difficulty of promoting national education in Hong Kong in the past was closely related to its British-rule history. In my 2020 book, Thinking About the Future of One Country, Two Systems, I argue: "Under colonial rule, Hong Kong people's national concept and consciousness are difficult to develop fully. The British are particularly wary of the impact of surging nationalism in mainland China on their rule in Hong Kong. The British in Hong Kong do not resist traditional Chinese culture as such. Still, from the perspective of maintaining colonial governance, they have long deliberately instilled negative attitudes towards the Chinese mainland and the CPC and contempt for Chinese civilization into Hong Kong people's minds by various tangible, invisible, and sinister means."
After Hong Kong's return to China, out of various political concerns, Beijing did not undertake ideological "decolonization" or promote national education in Hong Kong for a long time.
In my book One Country, Two Systems in Practice in Hong Kong (2015), I assert that "in the absence of 'decolonization', Hong Kong people have an inadequate awareness, understanding and reflection of the reasons for Hong Kong becoming a British colony, Hong Kong's historical changes, the complex relationship between the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong, the interweaving of the histories of Hong Kong and the Chinese mainland, the factors behind the success or failure of Hong Kong's development, the Chineseness of Hong Kong people, modern and contemporary Chinese history, Hong Kong and the Chinese mainland as a 'community of common destiny', socialist China, mainland compatriots, Hong Kong people's responsibility to safeguard national sovereignty, security and development interests under 'one country, two systems,' and the rich Chinese cultural traditions and the 'genes' of traditional Chinese society embedded in Hong Kong society".
However, in the past few years, under the new political landscape of "patriots governing Hong Kong", it is now possible for the central government, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government, and patriotic forces to actively promote national education in schools and society.
Still, the question of how to effectively promote patriotic education in line with the requirements of the draft is more challenging than the promotion of national education, especially when it comes to how to achieve "upholding the organic unity of loving the Party, loving the country and loving socialism".
I reckon that to steadily promote patriotic education, in addition to further strengthening people's understanding of the country's development, the central government's significant policies, the situation in the mainland, the opportunities and the challenges facing the country, and the central government's policy of "one country, two systems", it is necessary to substantially strengthen their understanding and trust in the CPC, the PRC, and socialism with Chinese characteristics.
For a long time, and because of the vehement anti-communist propaganda inside and outside the city, "CPC" was a term regarded as "politically sensitive" by some Hong Kong residents, and "patriotic" was often misconstrued as loving the "historical China", the "cultural China", the "geographical China", or the "ethnic China", rather than the PRC. At the same time, Western capitalism, democracy and even Hong Kong-style capitalism are deemed superior to socialism with Chinese characteristics. Misperceptions in these aspects will hinder promoting patriotic education in the future. In addition, more than one and a half centuries of British rule has produced a certain sense of "national inferiority" among some Hong Kong residents, especially the social elite. The gist of patriotic education is to change this distorted mentality and significantly enhance Hong Kong residents' confidence and pride in the nation.
For Hong Kong, the measures of successful "patriotic education" should include: whether Hong Kong residents recognize, respect, and trust the CPC; whether they are proud to be citizens of the PRC and are willing to assume responsibilities to the country; whether they agree that socialism with Chinese characteristics is most conducive to China's modernization and the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation; and whether they understand that Hong Kong's development achievements during the British era must not be credited to British rule alone.
As far as enhancing the identification, respect and trust of Hong Kong residents in the CPC is concerned, the tasks of the central government, the HKSAR government and the patriotic camp are to vigorously and comprehensively introduce and explain to Hong Kong residents the outstanding achievements of the CPC in building an independent, prosperous, strong, happy and united China, as well as its efforts in magnificently elevating the international status and influence of China. That the CPC is the pioneer, developer and defender of "one country, two systems" - a manifestly beneficial policy to Hong Kong - should be underscored.
As far as promoting Hong Kong residents' pride in being citizens of the PRC and willingness to assume responsibilities to the country is concerned, the tasks are to publicize the country's remarkable achievements in various fields, including economic, scientific, technological, military, education, poverty alleviation and diplomacy, to make people alert to the containment and threats from the United States and the West to suppress the rise of the country, and to emphasize that Hong Kong is not only the target of harassment by the US and the West but also a pawn used by them to undermine national security. That safeguarding national security is Hong Kong residents' sacred responsibility and pertains to their vital interests should be highlighted.
As far as enhancing Hong Kong residents' agreement with socialism with Chinese characteristics being the best system for China's development and the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is concerned, the tasks are to catalog the multitudinous advantages of socialism with Chinese characteristics, to make known the admiration of many developing countries, to pinpoint the failure of other development models in China in the past, to highlight the deficiencies and unsustainability of Western development models, and to depict the horrible and costly experience of those developing countries that have voluntarily or involuntarily mimicked Western development models.
As far as correcting Hong Kong residents' inaccurate and inadequate understanding of the nature of British rule is concerned, the tasks include laying bare the perennial phenomena of racial discrimination, repressive rule, social division, callousness, and shortsightedness under British rule, explaining that Hong Kong's economic success, especially industrialization, cannot be separated from the efforts of local and mainland Chinese businessmen and industrialists. The tasks also include emphasizing the contribution of the Chinese government's support and care for Hong Kong after the founding of the PRC - including the provision of fresh water from the East River to Hong Kong and the "three express trains" dedicated to transporting pig, cattle, sheep and fresh commodities to Hong Kong - and illustrating the opportunities and impetus brought by the country's reform and opening-up to Hong Kong's development and industrial upgrading.
When Hong Kong residents understand the importance of the PRC and the Chinese people to Hong Kong's "economic miracle" during the British era, confidence and trust in the CPC, the PRC, and the Chinese nation are bound to increase.
Overall, the core goal of promoting patriotic education in the city is to make Hong Kong residents feel that they belong to a community with a shared future with the CPC, the PRC, and socialism with Chinese characteristics, thereby generating strong solidarity with their mainland compatriots.
The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.


















